教學大綱 Syllabus

1. 緒論 - 失序的世界？難測的未來？
      第1週：政治、國際政治與國內政治，國際政治的核心與邊界
      第2週：美「中」關係與世局前瞻
      第3週：俄烏戰爭與強權博弈
    (原南海問題與恐怖主義活動請自行研讀，不作講授與討論) 

1. 蘇起. (2024). 美中對抗下的台灣選擇 / 蘇起著 (第一版). 遠見天下文化出版股份有限公司
2. 關中. (2024). 強權即公理 : 這就是美國 = Might is right / 關中著 (初版). 時報文化出版企業股份有限公司.
3. Philip Zelikow, “ Confronting Another Axis? History, Humility, and Wishful Thinking.” Texas National Security Review, Vol 7, Issue 3 Summer 2024
   (https://tnsr.org/2024/05/confronting-another-axis-history-humility-and-wishful-thinking/)
4. Kendall-Taylor, Andrea & Fontaine, Richard “The Axis of Upheaval: How America’s Adversaries Are Uniting to Overturn the Global Order.”, Foreign Affairs, May/June 2024, vol 1v3. Issue 3, pp 50-63
5. Pottinger, Matt & Gallagher, Mike, “ No Substitute for Victory: America’s Competition With China Must Be Won, Not Managed.” Foreign Affairs, May/June 2024, vol 1v3. Issue 3, pp25-39
6. Economy, Elizabeth, “China’s Alternative Order: And What America Should Learn From It.” Foreign Affairs, May/June 2024, vol 1v3. Issue 3, pp8-24
7. Kotkin, Stephen, “The Five Futures of Russia: And How America Can Prepare for Whatever Comes Next.” Foreign Affairs, May/June 2024, vol 1v3. Issue 3, pp64-83
8. Ninal L. Khrushcheva, “The Fragile Fraternity of China and Russia.” Project Syndicate, May 20, 2024. (https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/putin-visit-beijing-to-strengthen-russia-china-partnership-by-nina-l-khrushcheva-2024-05)
9. Antonio José Pagán Sánchez, “Restraining China: Limits and potential of US alliances.” Orbis, vol 68, iss1, 2024. pp92-109.
10. Guy C. Charlton & Xiang Gao, “The US Indo-Pacific Strategy’s Weakest Link: U.S. involvement in the region needs a larger economic component – an area where U.S. policy used to be strong.” The Diplomat, 2023/02 (February 10, 2023)
    (https://thediplomat.com/2023/02/the-u-s-indo-pacific-strategys-weakest-link/)
11. Michael Hirsh, “Israel Is Facing an Iraq-like Quagmire.” Foreign Policy, April 9, 2024.
    (https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/04/09/israel-iraq-gaza-quagmire-9-11-us-policy/)
12. Wayne M. Morrison, “ China-U.S. Trade Issues.” (US Congressional Research Service.”, December 15, 2015)
13. Mohammed Abdelbary and Abbas Al Lawati, CNN. “ China surpasses US in popularity among Arab youth as Beijing expands Middle East footprint.” June 21, 2023. (https://edition.cnn.com/2023/06/21/middleeast/china-surpasses-us-mideast-survey-mime-intl/index.html)
14. Michael Cunningham, “The American Case for Taiwan.” (The Heritage Foundation, special report Asia, March 27, 2024) (https://www.heritage.org/asia/report/the-american-case-taiwan)
15. Hal Brands, “An “America First” World: What Trump’s Return Might Mean for Global Order.” Foreign Affairs, May 27, 2024. (https://www.foreignaffairs.com/united-states/america-first-world)
16. Christopher McCallion, “Grand Strategy: Geography.” Defense Priorities, May 23, 2024 (DEEP.ORG/@DEF PRIORITIES)
17. Mathew Burrows & Josef Braml, “U.S.-China Economic Competition Is Headed Down A Dangerous Path.” The National Interest, May 23, 2024 (https://nationalinterest.org/feature/us-china-economic-competition-headed-down-dangerous-path-211154)
18. Andrew Faulhaber, “Deterring China’s Military Aggression: DoD Strategic Options for Securing the Western Pacific.” Yale Journal of International Affairs, May 15, 2023. (https://www.yalejournal.org/publications/deterring-chinas-military-aggression)
19. Nazerke Mukhlissova, “The Myth of Eurasia: The Disintegration of the Region or Intensified Regional Crisis?” Yale Journal of International Affairs, May 15, 2023 (https://www.yalejournal.org/publications/the-myth-of-eurasia-the-disintegration-of-the-region-or-intensified-regional-crisis)
20. Jared M. McKinney & Peter Harris, “Broken Nest: Deterring China from Invading Taiwan.” Parameters 51, no. 4 (2021), pp23-36 (https://press.armywarcollege.edu/parameters/vol51/iss4/4/)
21. Philip Zelikow, “Confronting Another Axis? History, Humility, and Wishful Thinking.” Texas National Security Review, Vol 7, Issue 3 Summer 2024
    (https://tnsr.org/2024/05/confronting-another-axis-history-humility-and-wishful-thinking/)
22. Kendall-Taylor, Andrea & Fontaine, Richard “The Axis of Upheaval: How America’s Adversaries Are Uniting to Overturn the Global Order.”, Foreign Affairs, May/June 2024, vol 1v3. Issue 3, pp50-63
23. Pottinger, Matt & Gallagher, Mike, “No Substitute for Victory: America’s Competition With China Must Be Won, Not Managed.” Foreign Affairs, May/June 2024, vol 1v3. Issue 3, pp25-39
24. Economy, Elizabeth, “China’s Alternative Order: And What America Should Learn from It.” Foreign Affairs, May/June 2024, vol 1v3. Issue 3, pp8-24
25. Kotkin, Stephen, “The Five Futures of Russia: And How America Can Prepare for Whatever Comes Next.” Foreign Affairs, May/June 2024, vol 1v3. Issue 3, pp64-83
26. Ninal L. Khrushcheva, “The Fragile Fraternity of China and Russia.” Project Syndicate, May 20, 2024. (https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/putin-visit-beijing-to-strengthen-russia-china-partnership-by-nina-l-khrushcheva-2024-05)
27. Antonio José Pagán Sánchez, “Restraining China: Limits and potential of US alliances.” Orbis, vol 68, Issue 1, 2024. pp92-109.
28. Guy C. Charlton & Xiang Gao, “The US Indo-Pacific Strategy’s Weakest Link: U.S. involvement in the region needs a larger economic component – an area where U.S. policy used to be strong.” The Diplomat, 2023/02 (February 10, 2023)
    (https://thediplomat.com/2023/02/the-u-s-indo-pacific-strategys-weakest-link/)
29. Michael Hirsh, “Israel Is Facing an Iraq-like Quagmire.” Foreign Policy, April 9, 2024. (https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/04/09/israel-iraq-gaza-quagmire-9-11-us-policy/)
30. Wayne M. Morrison, “China-U.S. Trade Issues.” (US Congressional Research Service.”, December 15, 2015)
31. Mohammed Abdelbary and Abbas Al Lawati, CNN. “China surpasses US in popularity among Arab youth as Beijing expands Middle East footprint.” June 21, 2023. (https://edition.cnn.com/2023/06/21/middleeast/china-surpasses-us-mideast-survey-mime-intl/index.html)
32. Michael Cunningham, “The American Case for Taiwan.” (The Heritage Foundation, special report Asia, March 27, 2024) (https://www.heritage.org/asia/report/the-american-case-taiwan)
33. Hal Brands, “An “America First” World: What Trump’s Return Might Mean for Global Order.” Foreign Affairs, May 27, 2024. (https://www.foreignaffairs.com/united-states/america-first-world)
34. Christopher McCallion, “Grand Strategy: Geography.” Defense Priorities, May 23, 2024 (DEEP.ORG/@DEF PRIORITIES)
35. Mathew Burrows & Josef Braml, “U.S.-China Economic Competition Is Headed Down A Dangerous Path.” The National Interest, May 23, 2024 (https://nationalinterest.org/feature/us-china-economic-competition-headed-down-dangerous-path-211154)
36. Andrew Faulhaber, “Deterring China’s Military Aggression: DoD Strategic Options for Securing the Western Pacific.” Yale Journal of International Affairs, May 15, 2023. (https://www.yalejournal.org/publications/deterring-chinas-military-aggression)
37. Nazerke Mukhlissova, “The Myth of Eurasia: The Disintegration of the Region or Intensified Regional Crisis?” Yale Journal of International Affairs, May 15, 2023 (https://www.yalejournal.org/publications/the-myth-of-eurasia-the-disintegration-of-the-region-or-intensified-regional-crisis)
38. Jared M. McKinney & Peter Harris, “Broken Nest: Deterring China from Invading Taiwan.” Parameters 51, no. 4 (2021), pp23-36 (https://press.armywarcollege.edu/parameters/vol51/iss4/4/)
39. 蔣世安：「中美共同防禦條約簽訂始末」傳記文學，二十二卷三期（一一二年三月），頁4-18。
40. 秋水長文，「新戰爭與和平—百年大變局背景下世界歷史的演變及背後邏輯」，2022.10.27。(https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/1CQVj10JJgHEK4Cknow)
41. 蘇卓馨：「歐中體制競爭下的合作」人文及社會科學集刊，第三十四卷二期，111-12/ pp817-840。
42. 胡敏遠：「從中國大陸『圍臺軍演』論美『中』大國競爭下國家安全的新思考」展望與探索，第21卷第1期（112年1月），頁29-52。
43. 陳冠宇，「一帶一路投資發生變化？日媒：軟性投資正在增加」旺報，2023/05/08。
44. 趙文志，「中國大陸一帶一路倡議的經濟權力意涵：結構性權力的觀點」，國際關係學報，第四十九期（民國一零九年六月），頁1-24。
45. 「臺海安全躍升國際焦點」，包括
    盧政鋒，「國際支持臺海安全的聲勢更為強大」
    林賢參：「日本政要示警，『臺灣有事等於日本有事』之戰略意涵」
    胡聲平：「臺美『中』國家利益考量下的競爭與合作」
    三文均載於清流雙月刊，No. 43, 2023年1月，頁4-21。
46. 汪榮祖，「中美博弈的文化異趣」，觀察，117期，2023.5，頁44-47。
47. 桂宏誠：「美國霸權衰退與臺海情勢」觀察，同上，頁38-40。
48. 周雨田，「美國拜登政府聯盟戰略中的防『中』因素」，中共研究，2023年第57卷01期，頁57-85。
49. 翁明賢，「建構臺海和平與穩定的國家安全戰略思考：台美關係的國際等級制分析」2023，淡江戰略學派年會論文集，頁111-125。
50. 馬準威，「從習近平政策『路徑依賴』看美中競爭與兩岸關係」同上，頁151-195。
51. 林碧炤，“國際關係學百年發展與未來展望”，國際關係學報，第47期(民國108年6月)，頁1-49。
52. 張京育，國際關係與國際政治(幼獅，民七十二年)，頁31-53。
53. 林婉萍： “後西方時代的新興國際關係議程,如何改寫西方與非西方關係？”，全球政治評論，第七十期(2020)，頁87-104。
54. 傑弗里•貝德，“習近平眼中的世界”，《多維》 (香港)，2016.5.5 (Jeffery A. Bader, “How Xi Jingping Sees the World ... and Why”, Brookings Institution, 2016)
55. 傑弗里•貝德，“美國對華政策框架”，《多維》 (香港)，2016.6.2 (Jeffery A. Bader, A Framework of U.S. Policy toward China, Brookings Institution, 2016)
56. 邵育群，“秩序之爭’與中美建構’新型大國關係’”，淡江大學國際研究學院，上海國際問題研究院，第十九屆「世界新格局與兩岸關係」研討會論文集(2015)，頁43-48。
57. 翁明賢，“美中新型大國關係下台灣的戰略選擇：地區安全複合體的角度”，淡江大學國際研究學院，上海國際問題研究院，第十九屆「世界新格局與兩岸關係」研討會論文集(2015)，頁49-56。
58. 閻學通，“中國有多少本錢跟美國叫板”，多維新聞網，2016.02.14 (http://opinion.dwnews.com/news/2016-02-14/59717429)
59. 陳鴻瑜，“中共南海擴張與亞太安全”，亞太評論，一零五期 (2015年9月)，頁1-28。
60. “南海中國策”，鳯凰月刊 (香港)，2015.8.25，頁26-41。
61. “中美南海對峙白熱化”，觀察，2016.3, No.31, 頁18-26, 頁28-29, 頁58-62 (嚴語、趙國材、王正、趙興鵬、鄭海麟、張健豐文)
62. 鍾飛騰，“超越地位之爭，中美新型大國關係與國際秩序”，外交評論 (北京)，2015年第6期，頁69-94。
63. 萬敏妮，“金正恩玩轉美國，蔡英文可以嗎？” ，《多維》(香港)，2018.6.28，2018年7月號，第32期，頁82-97。
64. 馬玲、丁果、堅妮、鐘樂偉， “「特金會」後的世界大局”，《明報月刊》（香港，2018年7月號，頁30-41）
65. 戴旭，《Ｃ形包圍》，武漢長江文藝出版社，2017。
66. 張明睿，“中美戰略對抗VS兩岸實力統一浮現”，《祖國》，2019.06(台北)，頁26-30。
67. 柳金財，“中美貿易戰VS台灣命運”，《祖國》，2019.06 (台北)，頁31-34
68. “美國對華談判13條霸王條款—宛如列強壓迫中國的南京條約當代版”，《祖國》，2019.06 (台北)，頁36-37。
69. 魏艾，“貿易戰已演變成中美經濟和科技新冷戰”，《祖國》，2019.06 (台北)，頁43-45。
70. 張健輝、鄭易平，“特朗普政府對外戰略的調整、原因及其前景分析”， 《世界經濟與政治論壇》(江蘇省社會科學院世界經濟研究所主辦)，2018年11月第6期，頁27-45。
71. 葉曉迪，“中美權力競爭視域下台灣地區地緣角色再思考：一個政論與政策的分析”， 《世界經濟與政治論壇》，2018年9月第5期，頁1-23。
72. 周桂銀，“中國南沙島礁建設的戰略戰術博奕”，《世界經濟與政治論壇》，(2017年7月)第4期，頁48-62。
73. 鄧中堅，“美國在南海面對中國的理論與政策作為：國際政治與國際法的對話”，全球政治評論，第61期，2018年1月，頁31-54。
74. 張訓譯，“2049年的中國海上權力：海洋強國崛起之路”，全球政治評論，第64期，2018年10月，頁149-153。
75. “揭秘資源戰爭：中美恩怨百年紀事”，《書報文摘、人物傳奇合訂本》，2019年第6期，頁80-85。
76. “大國崛起：中國超過美國還要多少年”，《書報文摘、人物傳奇合訂本》，2019年第6期，頁74-77。
77. “日美澳印應對中國崛起：從硬制衡到軟制衡”，《書報文摘、人物傳奇合訂本》，2019年第6期，頁86-88。
78. 何思慎：“「後新冠時代」＂新秩序下的中美關係”，海峽評論，第354期(2020/06)，頁35-37。
79. 魏艾： “「去中國化」VS「去美國化」：川普打擊中國對美國經濟真的有利？”，海峽評論，第354期(2020/06)，頁28-31。
80. 蔡榮祥、沈有忠、林子立、吳俊德、傅澤民等，“2020美國大選後的世界新局勢”，全球政治評論，第73期(民國110年1月)，頁1-29。
81. 李明、游志偉、邱師儀、催進揆等，“美中新冷戰:貿易戰、外交戰和軍事對峙”， 全球政治評論，第72期(民國109年10月)，頁1-40。
82. 卓忠宏、李俊毅、王宏仁、賴文儀、陳希宜等，“新冠疫情威脅下的國際關係發展”，全球政治評論，第71期(民國109年7月)，頁1-37。
83. 張京育，“新冠病毒後的世界局勢”，湖南文獻(季刊)，第191期(109年7月)，頁3-6。
84. 張麟徵，“中美阿拉斯加交鋒-小火花映照出大趨勢”，海峽評論，第364期(2021年4月)，頁5-8。
85. 周陽山，“中美新型大國關係的試煉”，海峽評論，第364期(2021年4月)，頁9-12。
86. 陳昌宏，“「川下拜上」:中國大陸內政外交面臨諸多挑戰”，中共研究，第五十五卷，第一期(2021年3月)，頁1-15。
87. 楊惟任，“美國總統選舉後的美中臺關係展望”，中共研究，第五十五卷，第一期(2021年3月)，頁25-44。
88. 陳建仲，“百年中共迎戰新八國聯軍”，觀察，第95期(2021年7月)，頁51-53。
89. 水秉和，“美國制中的三個階段”，觀察，第95期(2021年7月)，頁54-57。
90. 程超澤，“誰在包圍中國：中國崛起中的美國因素”（北京，新世界出版社，2013）。
91. 戴旭，“C形包圍II；Q形絞索：21世紀美國征服世界路線圖及對話戰略圍堵新態勢”（北京：長江新世紀文化傳媒有限公司2017）。
92. 巴殿君、梁秋實，“論東亞區域主義中的中美互動趨勢”《全球政治評論》特集 007（2022年3月）。
93. 李其澤，“拜登政府對中政策主軸與台海局勢分析＂，《全球政治評論》特集 007（2022年3月）。。
94. 范世平，“從蔡英文連任到拜登上台前的美中台互動＂《全球政治評論》第77期，111年1月。
95. 花俊雄，“悔不當初乎互利共贏乎－評美國學界看對華政策50年成敗的爭論＂，《海峽評論》377期，2022年3月。
96. 楊惟任，“美國總統選舉後的美「中」台關係展望”，中共研究，55卷第一期，2021年3月。
97. 周陽山，“拜登就任以來的美「中」關係”，中共研究，第55卷04期，2021年12月。
98. 宋學文，“拜登政府對台灣「戰略模式」本質之研析”，中共研究，第55卷03期，2021年9月。
99. 李本京，“川普「單挑」拜登「打群架」，放大鏡下之拜登抗中政策”，海峽評論，第375期，2022年3月。
100. Michael Clarke & Matthew Sussex, “The Self-Reinforcing logic of U.S.-Sino Competition”, The National Interest, June 6, 2023. (https://nationalinterest.org/feature/self-reinforcing-logic-us-sino-competition-206527)
101. Anne-Marie Slaughter and Gordon LaForge, “Opening Up the Order. A More Inclusive International System”, Foreign Affairs (March/April 2021), p.154-162.
102. Kevin Rudd, “Short of War. How to Keep U.S.-Chinese Confrontation from Ending in Calamity”, Foreign Affairs (March/April 2021), p.57-72.
103. Robert S. Wang, “Countering China's Intimidation of Taiwan”, The Foreign Service Journal, June, 2021.
104. Robert Griffiths, “Engagement with China: Was it a Mistake?”, The Foreign Service Journal, June, 2021.
105. Kelly Keiderling, “Great Power Competition: A Phrase that Simplifies and Confuses”, The Foreign Service Journal, June, 2021.
106. Atlantic Council, Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security, “The Longer Telegram Toward a new American China strategy”, 2021.
107. Fareed Zakaria, “The New China Scare: Why America Shouldn't Panic about Its Latest Challenger”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 99, Issue 1 (January/February 2020).
108. Orville Schell, “The Death of Engagement”, June 7, 2020, pp1-47. (https://www.thewirechina.com/2020/06/07/THE-BIRTH-LIFE-AND-DEATH-OF-ENGAGEMENT/)
109. Biden’s China Policy: A More Polite Trump – Amb. Chas Freeman. (https://theanalysis.news/bidens-china-policy-a-more-polite-trump-amb-chas-freeman/)
110. Jisi Wang, “The Plot Against China? How Beijing Sees the New Washington Consensus”, Foreign Affairs, July/August 2021, pp48-57.
111. Mastro Oriana Skylar, “The Taiwan Temptation. Why Beijing Might Resort to Force”, Foreign Affairs, July/August 2021, pp58-67.
112. Xiangfeng Yang, “The great Chinese surprise: the rupture with the United States is real and is hap.ening”, International Affairs, 96:2(2020), pp419-437.
113. “U.S. Views of China Increasingly Negative Amid Coronavirus Outbreak”
     (https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2020/04/21/u-s-views-of-china-increasingly-negative-amid-coronavirus-outbreak/)
114. Nina Silove, “The Pivot before the Pivot: U.S. Strategy to Preserve the Power   Balance in Asia”, International Security, Vol. 40, No. 4, (Spring 2016), pp45-88.
115. Stephen G. Brooks and William C. Wohlforth, “The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers in the Twenty-First Century: China’s Rise and the Fate of American’s Global Position”, International Security, Vol. 40, No. 3 (Winter 2015/16), pp7-53.
116. Richard Haass, “The Unraveling “, Foreign Affairs, Nov.-Dec. 2014.
117. Robert D. Kaplan, “Eurasia’s Coming Anarchy, The Risks of Chinese and Russian Weakness”, Foreign Affairs, March-April, 2016, pp33-44.
118. Richard Javad Heydarian, “The End of U.S. Primary in Asia”, The National Interest, March 3, 2016.
119. Robert Farley, “Asia’s Greatest Fear: A U.S. – China War”, The National Interest, June 9, 2014.
120. Stephen G. Brooks and William C. Wohlforth, “The Once and Future Superpower: Why China Won’t Overtake the United States, “Foreign Affairs, May-June 2016.
121. John J. Mearsheimer, “The Gathering Storm: China’s Challenge to U.S. Power in Asia”, The Chinese Journal of International Politics, 2010, No. 3, Issue 4.
122. Adam P. Liff & G. John Ikenberry, “Racing toward Tragedy? China’s Rise, Military Competition in the Asia-Pacific and the Security Dilemma”, International Security, vol. 37, No. 4 (Spring, 2013), pp7-48.
123. John J. Mearsheimer & Stephen M. Walt, “The Case for Offshore Balancing: A Superior U.S. Grand Strategy”, Foreign Affairs, July/Aug., 2016, pp70-83.
124. Michael Austin, “Japan’s New Realism: Abe Gets Tough”, Foreign Affairs, March-April 2016, pp125-134.
125. James Stavridis, “Are We Entering a New Cold War?” Foreign Policy, Feb. 17, 2016.
126. Dan DeLuce, Keith Johnson, “Crunch Time for Washington and Beijing in the South China Sea”, Foreign Policy, Feb. 17, 2016.
127. Mira Rapp-Hooper, “Make No Mistake: The United States Should Get Its Message Straight in the South China Sea” (http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2015-11-25/make-no-mistake)
128. Graham Allison, “Of course China Like all Great Powers, Will Ignore an International Legal Verdict”, The Diplomat, July 11, 2016.
129. Barak Mendelsohn and William McCants, “Experts Weigh In: What is the future of al-Qaida and the Islamic State?” Brookings, January 7, 2016
     (http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/markaz/posts/2016/01/07-future-of-al-qaida-and-isis-mendelsohn-mccants)
130. Graeme Wood, “What ISIS Really Wants”, The Atlantic, March 2015
     (http://www.theatlantic.com/features/archive/2015/02/what-isis-really-wants/384980)
131. William McCants, “How ISIL Out-Terrorized Bin Laden”, POLITICO Magazine, 2015.08 (http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/08/isis-jihad-121525_full.html)
132. Rosa Brooks, “U.S. Counterterrorism Strategy Is the Definition of Insanity”, Foreign Policy, June 24, 2015
     (http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/06/24/u-s-counterterrorism-strategy-is-the-definition-of-insanity)
133. Evan Osnods, “The Biggest Winner at the U.S.-North Korea Summit: China”, The Now Yorker, June 12, 2018. (http://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-biggest-winner-at-the-us-north-korea-summit-china)
134. Around the halls: Brookings experts react to the Trump-Kim Jong-un summit in Singapore, June 12,2018. (http://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2018/06/12/around-the-halls-brookings-experts-react-to-the-trump-kim-jong-un-summit-in-singapore)
135. Susan B. Glasser, “No Way to Run a Superpower”: The Trump-Putin Summit and the Death of American Foreign Policy”, The New Yorker, July 19, 2018.
136. Michael Lind, “America vs. Russia and China: Welcome to Cold War II”, The National Interest (May-June,2018) (http://nationalinterest.org/feature/america-vs-russia-china-welcome-cold-war-ii-25382)
137. Michael D. Swaine, “The U.S. Can't Afford to Demonize China”, Foreign Policy, 2018/06/29. (http://foreignpolicy.com/2018/06/29/the-u-s-cant-afford-to-demonize-china)
138. Paul Heer,” Containment and China: What Would Kennan Do?”, The National interest, May-June,2018.
139. “Avoiding war: Containment, competition, and cooperation in U.S.-China actions”, A Brookings Interview, Nov.1, 2017.
140. Aaron Miller and Richard Sokolsky, “Donald Trump Put Himself First, America Last”, Time, July 17, 2018.
141. Christopher Layne, “The US–China power shift and the end of the Pax Americana”, International Affairs, 94:1(2018), pp89–111.
142. Odd Arne Westad, “The Sources of Chinese Conduct Are Washington and Beijing Fighting a New Cold War?”, Foreign Affairs, September/October 2019, pp86-95.
143. Kurt M. Campbell and Jake Sullivan, “Competition Without Catastrophe How America Can Both Challenge and Coexist with China”, Foreign Affairs, September/October 2019, pp96-110.
144. Chad P. Bown and Douglas A. Irwin, “Trump’s Assault on the Global Trading System and Why Decoupling from China Will Change Everything”, Foreign Affairs, September/October 2019, pp125-135.
145. Francis Fukuyama, “The Pandemic and Political Order It Takes a State”, Foreign Affairs, July/August 2020, pp26-32.
146. Jessica Chen Weiss, “A World Safe for Autocracy? China’s Rise and the Future of Global Politics”, Foreign Affairs, July/August 2020, pp92-102.
147. PM Lee Hsien Loong at the IISS Shangri-La Dialogue 2019, May 31, 2019, keynote address (Prime Minister’s office, Singapore)
148. Oriana Skylar Mastro, “The Stealth Superpower: How China Hid Its Global Ambitions”, Foreign Affairs, Vol.98, No.1(Jan/Feb 2019), pp31-39
149. Yan Xue Tong, “The Age of Uneasy Peace: Chinese Power in a Divided World”, Foreign Affairs, Vol.98, No.1(Jan/Feb 2019), pp40-46
150. Stephen M. Walt, “The End of Hubris: And the New Age of American Restraint”, Foreign Affairs, Vol.98, No.3(May/Jun 2019), pp26-36.
151. Daniel W. Drezner, “This Time Is Different: Why U.S. Foreign Policy Will Never Recover”, Foreign Affairs, Vol.98, No.3(May/Jun 2019), pp10-17
152. Joel R. Hillison, “The Potential and Pitfalls of a Zero-Sum Grand Strategy”, Orbis, Vol.63, Issue 2, Feb. 2019(Spring), pp240-257
153. Arthur Waldron, “Reflections on China’s Need for a ‘Chinese World Order’”, Orbis, Vol.63, Issue 1, Feb. 2019(Spring), pp3-10
154. Robert Malley & Jon Finer, “The Long Shadow of 9/11: How Counterterrorism Warps U.S. Foreign Policy”, Foreign Affairs, July/August 2018, Vol.97, Issue 4, pp58-69
155. Randall Schweller, “Three Cheers for Trump’s Foreign Policy: What the Establishment Misses”, Foreign Affairs, September/October 2018, pp133-143
156. M. Taylor Fravel, J. Stapleton Roy, Michael D. Swaine, Susan A. Thornton and Ezra Vogel, “China is not an enemy”, Washington Post, July 3, 2019  (致Trump總統及國會公開信，逾百位學者專家署名)
     (https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/making-china-a-us-enemy-is-counterproductive/2019/07/02/647d49d0-9bfa-11e9-b27f-ed2942f73d70_story.html?utmterm=.f08aa43ace70)
157. John Pomfret, “Why the United States doesn’t need to return to a gentler China policy”, Washington Post, July 9, 2019. (https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2019/07/09/why-united-states-doesnt-need-return-gentler-china-policy)
158. Michael Weiss, “ISIS: Resilient, Adaptable, Decentralized”, The New York Review Daily, May 16, 2019
     (https://www.nybooks.com/daily/2019/05/16/isis-resilient-adaptable-decentralized)
159. Abraham M. Denmark, “U.S. Strategy in the Asian Century”. (New York: Columbia University press, 2020)
160. Joseph Biden, “Why America Must Lead Again, Rescuing U.S. Foreign Policy After Trump”, Foreign Affairs, March/April 2020.
161. Yan Xuetong, “Becoming Strong: The New Chinese Foreign Policy”, Foreign Affairs, July/August 2021.
162. Wang Jisi, “The Plot Against China? How Beijing Sees the New Washington Consensus”, Foreign Affairs, July/August 2021.
163. Oriana Skylar Mastro, “Taiwan Temptation – Why Beijing Might Resort to Force”, Foreign Affairs, July/August 2021 2021.
164. John J. Mearsheimer, “The Inevitable Rivalry”, Foreign Affairs, November/December 2021.
165. Tsai Ing-wen, “Taiwan and the Fight for Democracy”, Foreign Affairs, November/December 2021.
166. Michael Clarke, Matthew Sussex, “The U.S. China Rivalry According to China” WPR, Jan 11, 2022. (https://www.amazon.co.jp/-/en/Michael-Clarke-ebook/dp/B09S8KVXWL)
167. Michael Beckley, “Enemies of My Enemy: How Fear of China Is Forging a New World Order”, Foreign Affairs, March/April 2022.
168. Elizabeth Economy, “Xi Jinping’s New World Order: Can China Remake the International System?”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2022.
169. Elliot Ackerman, “Winning Ugly: What the War on Terror Cost America”, Foreign Affairs, September/October 2021.
170. Andrew Chubb, "PRC Assertiveness in the South China Sea: Measuring Continuity and Change, 1970–2015," International Security, Vol. 45, No.3 (2020/21).
171. Shannon Tiezzi, “Blinken Emphasizes Cooperation, Including with Beijing, in China Policy Speech”, The Diplomat, May 27, 2022.
172. Antony J. Blinken, “The Admonition’s Ap.roach of the People's Republic of China”, May 26, 2022.

【俄烏戰爭與強權博弈】

1. Karima Romaniv(凱琳)作; 裴凡強譯，《我從戰爭來: 烏克蘭烽火手記》(慈濟傳播人文志業基金會，2023.9)
2. Scott Kennedy, “U.S.-China Relations in 2024: Managing Competition without Conflict.” Commentary, CSIS, January 3, 2024 (https://www.csis.org/analysis/us-china-relations-2024-managing-competition-without-conflict)
3. Jose Miguel Alonso-Trabanco, “Rethinking Western Strategies Towards Russia.” RealClear World, May 16, 2024. (https://www.realclearworld.com/articles/2024/05/16/rethinking_western_strategies_towards_russia_1031967.html)
4. Ralph l. Defalco III, “Containment for the Twenty-First Century?” Law & Liberty, Book Review June 4, 2024. (https://lawliberty.org/book-review/cold-war-ii/)
5. Gabriel Elefteriu, “The seven deadly contradictions of the Ukraine war.” Brussels Signal, Comment, 16 May 2024 (https://brusselssignal.eu/2024/05/the-seven-deadly-contradictions-of-the-ukraine-war/)
6. 過子庸，陳文甲，《俄烏戰爭的剖析（戰前篇）》，五南圖書公司，2022。
7. 郭武平，“俄烏戰爭對全球地緣政經格局之影響”，《展望與探索》月刊，20卷5期(111年5月)。
8. 張麟徵， “俄烏戰爭鬆動現有國際權力格局”，《海峽評論》2022/05(第377期) 頁4-7。
9. 楊開煌， “促談促和VS. 拱火澆油－評論俄烏戰爭對歐洲國家的啟示”，（同上）頁12-14。
10. 翁明賢， “從國際危機管理角度分析俄烏戰爭及其對全球安全戰略之影響”，2022淡江戰略學派年會：”國際規則的重整：美中兩強競逐下之國際戰略情勢”論文，2022年5月22日。
11. Daniel J. Mahoney, “The Ukrainian Tragedy”, The American Mind, 06.22.2023. (The Claremont Institute)
12. Matias Spektor, “In Defense of the Fence Sitters”, Foreign Affairs, May/June 2023, Vol. 102, Issue 3, p.8-16.
13. Nirupame Rao, “The Upside of Rivalry”, Foreign Affairs, Foreign Affairs, May/June 2023, Vol. 102, Issue 3, pp17-23.
14. Margaret MacMillan, “How Wars Don’t End: Ukraine, Russia, and the Lessons of World War I”, Foreign Affairs, July/Aug 2023, published on June 12, 2023.
15. Stefan Theil er 14 others: “New Rules for War”, Foreign Policy, Winter 2023, Issue 247, pp36-54.
16. Marwan Bishara, “Biden’s five mistakes in Ukraine”, Opinions/Al Jazeera, 30 May 2023 (https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2023/5/30/bidens-five-mistakes-in )
17. Walter M. Braunohler and Derek S. Reveron, “When Diplomacy Goes to War”, Foreign Policy Research Institute (https://www.fpri.org/article/2023/04/when-diplomacy-goes-to-war/)
18. Henrik Larsen, “Thinking About Post-War Ukraine”, Texas National Security Review, Vol 6, Issue 3, Summer 2023 (https://tnsr.org/2023/06/thinking-about-post-war-ukraine/)
19. Alexander J. Motyl, “Time to plan for Russia’s Collapse”, Foreign Policy, spring 2023, Issue 248, pp6-9.
20. Andrea Kendall-Taylor and Erica Frantz, “The Treacherous Path to a Better Russia: Ukraine’s Future and Putin’s Fate”, Foreign Affairs, July-Aug 2023. (https://www.foreignaffairs.com/russian-federation/treacherous-path-better-russia)
21. Anna Reid, “Putin’s War on History: The Thousand-Year Struggle Over Ukraine”, Foreign Affairs, May/June 2022.
22. Stephen M. Walt, “Liberal Illusions Caused the Ukraine Crisis” (https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/01/19/ukraine-russia-nato-crisis-liberal-illusions/)
23. Isaac Chotiner, “Why John Mearsheimer Blames the U.S. for the Crisis in Ukraine”, The New Yorker, March 1, 2022.
24. Tanisha M. Fazal, “The Return of Conquest? Why the Future of Global Order Hinges on Ukraine”, Foreign Affairs, May/June 2022.
25. Hu Wei, “Possible outcomes of the Russo-Ukraine war and China's choice”, US-China Perception Monitor, 12 March 2022. (https://centreforbrexitpolicy.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/Defining-Britains-Post-Brexit-Role-in-the-World-Final-20-June-22.pdf)
26. Howard W. French, “Xi Sees the Ukraine War Through the Lens of the       U.S.-China Rivalry.”, March 23, 2022.
    (https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/30418/xi-is-sticking-with-putin-after-ukraine-invasion-by-russia)
27. Charles A. Kupchan, “Negotiating to End the Ukraine War Isn't Ap.easement”, Politico, Opinion, 06/15/2022.
28. Michael Shank, “Prosecute Putin for War Crimes. But Prosecute the US., Too”, Newsweek 3/17/2022. 
    (https://www.newsweek.com/prosecute-putin-war-crimes-prosecute-us-too-opinion-1689078)
29. Ali Wyne, “The War in Ukraine Will Complicate U.S.-China Relations Even More”, WPR, May 3, 2022.
    (https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/30507/the-us-china-relationship-and-pivot-to-asia-after-the-ukraine-war)
30. Mohamed Mahad D. Darar, “Returning to Realism: The Other Face of the Ukraine Crisis”, E-International Relations, Jun 12, 2022.
    (https://www.e-ir.info/2022/06/12/returning-to-realism-the-other-face-of-the-ukraine-crisis/)
31. Alexander Lukin, “Why China Won’t Break with Russia Over Ukraine”, The National Interest, March 28, 2022. (https://nationalinterest.org/feature/why-china-won%E2%80%99t-break-russia-over-ukraine-201495)
32. John J. Mearsheimer, “The causes and consequences of the Ukraine war”, June 23, 2022 (This speech was given at the European University Institute (EUI) in Florence on Thursday, June 16, 2022)
33. Christopher Caldwell, “The War in Ukraine May Be Impossible to Stop. And the U.S. Deserves Much of the Blame”, The New York Times, May 13, 2022 (https://www.nytimes.com/2022/05/31/opinion/us-ukraine-putin-war.html)

第4週：一帶一路(One belt one road)與未來世局

1. 《推動共建絲綢之路經濟帶和21世紀海上絲綢之路的願景與行動》；大陸國務院發展研究中心出版《中國經濟報告》2015年第5期。
2. 王義桅，《“一帶一路”：機遇與挑戰》（北京，人民出版社，2015）
3. 馬玉榮、王藝璇，《“一帶一路”－大國發展戰略－專訪國務院發展研究中心副主任隆國強 》，中國經濟報告，2015年第5期。
4. 吳佳勳、劉孟俊（中華經濟研究院大陸研究所）：《中國「一帶一路」倡議在東協的經貿布局與挑戰》，2016年11月15日，網路版。
5. 王勇輝，〈21世紀海上絲綢之路－東南亞戰略支點的構建〉，原載於《世界經濟與政治論壇》2016年03期。查找自廣東國際戰略研究院網站，(http://giis.gdufs.edu.cn/info/1306/5595.htm), 2016-07-28)。
6. 韋紅，〈印尼國內政治對中國印尼共建海上絲綢之路的影響及對策〉，原載於《社會主義研究》2016年03期。查找自廣東國際戰略研究院網站，(http://giis.gdufs.edu.cn/info/1306/5596.htm), 2016-07-28。
7. 王義桅，〈柬埔寨對「一帶一路」的十大擔心〉，文章來源：察哈爾學會網站，(http://www.charhar.org.cn/newsinfo.aspx?newsid=11090), 2016.10.13。
8. 行政院經貿談判辦公室/經濟部國際貿易局編：《新南向政策參考資料》，105年12月28日。
9. 吳宜，〈透視蔡英文當局的「新南向政策」〉，香港，《中國評論》，2016年9月號。
10. Jon (Yuan) Jiang, “Deciphering the Belt and Road Initiative”. (https://www.e-ir.info/2021/06/16/deciphering-the-belt-and-road-initiative/)
11. Felix K. Chang, 《Who Benefits from China’s “One Belt, One Road” Initiative? 》, FPRI (Foreign Policy Research Institute): Geopoliticus: The FPRI Blog, Oct.3, 2016.
12. Robin Niblett, ”Liberalism in Retreat：The Demise of a Dream”, Foreign Affairs, Vol.96, No.1 (Jan-Feb, 2017).
13. Evan A. Feigenbaum, China and the World：Dealing with A Reluctant Power”, Foreign Affairs, Vol.96 No.1 (Jan-Feb,2017).
14. 張京育，〈臺海兩岸、東協(東盟)與海上絲綢之路〉，(首屆檳城論壇：“一帶一路與東南亞＂主旨演說，2017年3月25日於檳城，馬來西亞，載於《湖南文獻》179期（2017.07.15刊行），頁3-9。
15. 張京育，〈臺海兩岸、東協(東盟)與海上絲綢之路〉，刊《一帶一路與東南亞國際學術研討會論文集》，2017年3月26-27日於檳城，馬來西亞，頁248-265。
16. 張弘遠主持，《中國大陸「一帶一路」戰略對臺灣之機遇與挑戰》，亞太和平研究基金會政策報告（106年7月）。
17. 《美國觀察人士指“一帶一路＂可能拖垮中國》，美國之音。(http://www.voacantonese.com/a/china-belt-road-initiative-20170615/3901659.html)
18. 蔡東杰、秦偉騰，“中國絲綢之路經濟帶戰略對中亞之影響：從地緣政治觀點分析”，全球政治評論，第62期(2018年4月)，頁57-74。
19. 李月、王玉爽，“一帶一路的新階段、新發展”，《祖國》，2019年6月，頁57-60。
20. 陳育正：“中國帶路倡議對美國亞太安全利益之影響：以川普時期為例”，全球政治評論，第六十七期(2019)，頁85-106。
21. 周子欽：“區域整合脈絡下的「一帶一路」：地緣政治經濟觀點”，全球政治評論，第六十九期，2020年1月, 頁63-92。
22. 李明：“一帶一路與全球治理”，全球政治評論，第六十八期，2019.10, 頁31-50。
23. Thomas J. Shattuck, “Combatting the Belt and Road Initiative Beyond 2019”, Orbis, Fall 2019, pp505-519.
24. 《The Economist explains: What is China’s belt and road initiative? 》，May 15th, 2017.
25. Quartz，《ONE BELT, ONE ROAD：Your guide to understanding OBOR, China’s new Silk Road plan》，Quartz Media LLC(US).
    (http://qz.com/983460/obor-an-extremely-simple-guide-to-understanding-chinas-one-belt-one-road-forum-for-its-new-silk-road)
26. Doug Bandow,《One Belt, One Road: Why Trump Should Get Behind China's Economic Growth Plan》,
    (http://nationalinterest.org/blog/the-skeptics/one-belt-one-road-why-trump-should-get-behind-chinas-21126)
27. “China's Belt and Road Initiative, Five Years In”, Start for worldview，June 22, 2018.
    (http://worldview.stratfor.com/article/chinas-belt-and-road-initiative-five-years)
28. Joseph S. Nye, Jr., “The rise and fall of American hegemony from Wilson to Trump”, International Affairs, 95:1(2019), pp63–80.
29. John J. Mearsheimer, “Bound to Fail: The Rise and Fall of the Liberal International Order”, International Security, Vol.43, No.4 (Spring 2019), pp7-50.
30. G. John Ikenberry, “The end of liberal international order?”, International Affairs, 94:1(2018), pp7-23.
31. Keith Johnson & Dan De Luce, “One Belt, One Road, One Happy Chinese Navy”, Foreign Policy, April 17, 2018.
32. Erico Cau, “Geopolitical Implications of the Belt and Road Initiative: The Backbone for a New World Order?”, Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal, Vol.4, No.1, April 2018, pp39-105.
33. Shirley Z. Yu, “Belt and Road Initiative: Defining China's Grand Strategy and the Future World Order”, M.A Thesis, Harvard University March 2018. (https://dash.harvard.edu/handle/1/37799759)
34. Matt Ferchen & Anarkalee Perera, “Why Unsustainable Chinese Infrastructure Deals Are a Two-Way Street”, Carnegie-Tsinghua Center for Global Policy, July 23, 2019 article. (https://carnegietsinghua.org/2019/07/23/why-unsustainable-chinese-infrastructure-deals-are-two-way-street)
35. Michael Peel and Sam Fleming, “West and allies relaunch push for own version of China’s Belt and Road”, Financial Times, May 2, 2022.
36. Frank Umbach, “How China’s Belt and Road Initiative is Faring”, GIS Report, April 8, 2022 (https://www.gisreportsonline.com/r/belt-road-initiative/)
37. Ghodratollah Behboudi Nejad, “China’s Belt and Road Initiative Dominance or Development and American Response”, Iranian Reviews of Foreign Affairs, Vol.11 No.1, winter and spring 2020, pp143-168. (http://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_130799.html)

II. 國際關係基本理論的討論
理論幫助我們認識與預測現象，有時也會產生指導性的功能。國際關係有那些基本理論，其基本假設與追求目標有何異同?對我們認識與預測國際政治現象有何幫助?值得深入的探究。
第5週：現實主義之探討與評估
第6週：自由主義之探討與評估
第7週：建構主義之探討與評估
第8週：綜合討論 

1. 吳玉山，傅澤民，〈霸權與挑戰：國際關係理論的詮釋〉，問題與研究季刊，第62卷第一期（2023年3月），頁1-33。
2. 王逸舟，國際政治學－歷史與理論(五南，民八十八年)，頁3-156。
3. 林碧炤，國際政治與外交政策(五南，民八十八年，二版)，頁1-98。
4. 倪世雄著、包宗和校訂，當代國際關係理論(五南，民九十二)，頁3-115，頁157-225，頁229-324。
5. 李其泰譯，國際關係的解析(幼獅，民六十八年四版)，頁9-29 (原書名：Karl W. Deutsch, The Analysis of International Relations, Chapter 1-2)
6. 張亞中主編，國際關係總論(揚智，民國九十二年)，第一章，陳欣之，國際關係學的發展(頁1-38)；第二章，蔡東杰，現實主義(頁61-80)；第三章，國際關係理論：對現實主義的質疑(頁81-117)
7. 林祐聖譯，治理全球化：權力，權威與全球治理(韋伯文化，2005)，頁1-26，頁35-154，頁351-521(David Held. Anthony McGrew (et. al). Governing Globalization: Power, Authority and Global Governance. (Polity Press,2002)
8. 林宏宇，「西方國際關係的歷史沿革」，國際關係學院學報，2009卷6期，(2009/11/20)，頁1-8。
9. 周敏凱，「加強國際關係領域中國話語體系建設提升中國話語權的理論思考」，國際觀察，2012年第六期，頁1-7。
10. 包宗和，「現實主義之自我辯論及其與批判理論間之解構與建構」，國際關係學報，第18期，(民九十二年十二月)，頁1-18。
11. 王元綱，「樂觀的現實主義:國際關係守勢現實主義之評析」，國際關係學報，第18期(民九十二年十二月)，頁41-57。
12. 莫大華，「國際關係理論大辯論研究的評析」，問題與研究，第39卷12期(民89年12月)，頁65-89。
13. 莫大華，「論國際關係理論中的建構主義」，問題與研究，三十八卷九期(民八十八年九月)，頁93-109。
14. 莫大華，「國際關係『建構主義』的原型、分類與爭論 - Onuf、Kratochwil和Wendt的觀點為分析」，問題與研究，四十一卷(民九十一年一、二月)，頁111-148。
15. 莫大華，「探索國際關係理論的建構計畫:理性主義與建構主義的理論綜合」，政治科學論叢，31期(96年3月)，頁175-216。
16. 秦亞青，「國際政治的社會建構-溫特及其建構主義國際政治理論」，美歐季刊，十五卷二期(民九十年夏)，頁231-264。
17. 葉陽明，「評價國際政治新現實主義學派:理論與方法」，問題與研究，二十卷六期(民七十七年三月)，頁1-22。
18. 鄭端耀，「國際關係『新自由制度主義』理論之評析」，問題與研究，三十六卷十二期(民八十六年十二月)，頁1-22。
19. 鄭端耀，「國際關係攻勢與守勢現實主義理論爭辯之評析」，問題與研究，四十二卷二期(民九十二年三、四月)，頁1-21。
20. 鄭端耀，「社會建構主義理論」評析，美歐季刊，十五卷二期(民九十年夏)，頁199-228。
21. 鄭端耀，「國際關係新古典現實主義理論」，問題與研究，44卷1期(94年1-2月)，頁115-140。
22. 張京育，「對國際關係的一些體察與省思」，國際關係學報，二十五期，(2008年1月)，頁1-13。
23. 林碧炤，「國際關係的典範發展」，國際關係學報，二十九期(2010年1月)，頁11-66。
24. 葉自成，「從華夏體系歷史看美國國際關係理論范式的西方特色」，中國人民大學複印報刊資料，國際政治月刊2012年第五期，頁18-27。
25. 惠黎文，「修昔底德複雜現實主義思想的理論啟示」，國際關係學院學報，2009年第2期，頁1-6。
26. 劉靜，「評米爾斯海默對結構理論的修正」，國際關係學院學報，2009年第4期，頁9-14。
27. 唐欣偉，「美國國關學界對中國之評估：以攻勢現實主義與權力轉移論為例」，政治科學論叢，第58期，102年12月，頁47-70。
28. 鄭哲民等譯，國際政治解析的架構，頁1-22 (K. J. Holsti , International Politics: A framework for Analysis)。
29. 約瑟夫．奎伊茲，李宜靜譯，「權力大未來－軍事力、統治力、網路力、巧實力的全球主導」，天下文化(2011年9月)
30. 胡祖慶譯，國際關係理論導讀(五南，民八十二年)49-84 (P falzgraff, R.L and James E. Dougherty, Contending Theories of International Relations).
31. Scott Burchill等著，莊皓雲譯，國際關係理論，(Theories of International Relations,4th ed.2009)，頁1-122。
32. 陳怡，”現實政治民族主義：中共解決港臺問題比較與兩岸關係前瞻”，全球政治評論，第65期(2019年1月)，頁103-131。
33. Russett, Bruce＆Harvey Start. World Politics: The Menu for Choice (3rd ed.) , p.1-48.
34. 薛健吾: 〈春秋戰國時代的系統戰爭：三種現實主義外交政策理論的比較〉，《政治學報》，第69期，2020年6月。
35. John Kendall, “Enduring Competition in a New Age of Power”, Military Review, September-October 2021. (參見劉慶順譯，《新時代下強權下之持久競爭》，國防譯粹)，49卷，第6期，2022年6月，頁45-53。
36. 楊惟任，〈如何實踐有效的全球治理？〉，《全球政治評論》，第75期，110年7月， 頁 45-70。
37. Walter A. McDongall, “Nightmares of an International Relations Professor”, Orbis, Vol 66, Issue 4. 2022, pp564-576. (https://www.fpri.org/article/2022/11/nightmares-of-an-international-relations-professor/)
38. Pfalzgraff, R.L and James E Dougherty, Contending Theories of International Relations (4rd ed,1997), pp1-98.
39. William E. Scheueman, “Realism and Kantian Tradition: A Revisionist Account,” International Relations, Dec. 2012, pp453 – 477.
40. Aaron L. Friedberg, “The Future of U.S. – China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable? “International Security, vol.30, No.2 (Fall 2005), pp7-45.
41. “The Realist: A sit-down with Brent Scowcroft,” National Interest, Jan-Feb. 2009, pp4-9.
42. Robert O. Keohane, “Twenty Years of International Liberalism,” International Relations, June 2012, pp125 – 138.
43. Arash Heydarin Pashakhanloe, “Back to the Drawing Board.  A Critique of Offensive Realism.” International Relations, June 2013, pp202 – 225.
44. John J.Mearsheimer, “Hans Morgenthau and the Iraq War: Realism versus Neo-Conservatism”, May 19, 2005
    (http://www.opendemocracy.Net/democracy-mericanpower/Morgenthau_2522.jsp)
45. Dimitri K. Simes, “Realism：it’s high-minded…and it works” (Letter from the Publishers) The National Interest, No. 14, Winter 2003/04, pp168-172.
46. Paul R. Viotti and Mark V. Kaup.i, International Relations Theory：Realism, Pluralism, Globalism (2nd ed, New York：Macmillan, 1993).
47. Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Addison-Wesley, 1979) Chapters 1, 6, 8.
48. John Baylis & Steve Smith (eds.), The Globalization of World Politics (2d. ed Oxford University Press, 2001), p.1-32，pp141-249.
49. Richard N. Haass, “The Unraveling: How To Respond to a Disordered World” Foreign Affairs, Nov-Dec 2014.
50. Sebastian Rosato, “The Inscrutable Intentions of Great Powers” International Security, Winter, 2014-15, pp48-88.
51. Colin Dueck, “Hegemony on the Cheap：Liberal Internationalism from Wilson to Bush”, World Policy Journal, Vol. XX, No.4, Winter, 2003/04.
52. Stephen Kotkin, “Realist World： The Players Change, But The Game Remains”, Foreign Affairs, Vol.97 No.4 (July/August 2018), pp10-15.
53. Daniel Deudney and G. John Ikenberry, “Liberal World: The Resilient Order”, Foreign Affairs, Vol.97 No.4 (July/August 2018), pp16-24.
54. Graham Allison, “The myth of their liberal order”, Foreign Affairs, Vol.97 No.4 (July/August 2018), pp124-133.
55. Stephen m. Walt,” The World Wants You to Think Like a Realist, Foreign Policy, 2018/5/30.
    (http://foreignpolicy.com/2018/05/30/the-world-wants-you-to-think-like-a-realist)
56. Stephen Kotkin, “Realist World-The Players Change, but the Game Remains”, Foreign Affairs, 7-9, August 2018, Vol.97, Issue 4, pp10-15.
57. Daniel Deudney & G. John Ikenberry, “Liberal World-The Resilient Order”, Foreign Affairs, 7-9, August 2018, Vol.97, Issue 4, pp16-24.
58. Amy Chua,“Tribal World-Group Identity Is All”, Foreign Affairs, 7-9, August 2018, Vol.97, Issue 4, pp26-33.
59. Robin Varghese, “Marxist World-What Did You Expect from Capitalism?”, Foreign Affairs, 7-9, August 2018, Vol.97, Issue 4, pp34-42.
60. Kevin Bloor, “Theories of Global Politics”, E-International Relations, May 15, 2022. (https://www.e-ir.info/2022/05/15/theories-of-global-politics/)

III. 冷戰的起源與終結
二次大戰後有長達四十年的冷戰，但未爆發世界大戰。冷戰之成因為何？冷戰是如何終結？冷戰終結對世局有何影響？值得探討。請特別針對冷戰的歷史，美國、蘇聯、中共當代外交政策閱讀與探討。
 第9-10週：冷戰起源之探討
第11-12週：冷戰終結原因之探討與其後果之評估

1. Wayne Allensworth, “An Obsolete Alliance Turns 75.” Chronicles, March 2024. (https://chroniclesmagazine.org/view/an-obsolete-alliance-turns-75/)
2. 裴凡強譯，《戈巴契夫冷戰回憶錄：蜕變中的世界，從舊冷戰到新世紀的危機》(新北市 : 好優文化出版公司，2022年)
3. Alan Axelrod, “The Real History of the Cold War”, (New York, Sterling Publishing Co., 2009)
4. 柳志編著：《美蘇冷戰的一次極限-加勒比海導彈危機》，2002，桂林廣西師範大學出版社)
5. 朱鵬，”冷戰起源背後的文化沖突–兼評俄羅斯文明與西方文明的差異性”，國際關係學院學報，2009年第3期。
6. 余偉民，”斯大林的戰略佈局與亞洲冷戰的起源” 讀《俄羅斯解密檔案選編:中蘇關係》第一卷，《南國學術》第六卷第一期(2016年1月)，109-119(澳門大學出版)。
7. 章百家，牛軍主編，冷戰與中國(北京，世界知識出版社)。
8. “A World Transformed” article by Robert W. Tucker, Stanley Hoffmann, and William H. McNeill, Foreign Affairs, Fall 1990, pp93-122, pp153-175.
9. Richard Crokatt著，王振西主譯，The Fifty Years War 50年戰爭(2003，新華出版社)。
10. Jane Perlez, “Behind Enemy Lines”, Foreign Affairs, Mar/Apr 2023, Vol. 102, Issue 2, pp162-167.
11. James Johanes: “Paradigm Shift: Realism and Liberalism in the Post-Cold War Global Arena” (https://www.academia.edu/30059320/Paradigm_Shift_Realism_and_Liberalism_in_the_Post-Cold_War_Global_Arena_Paradigm_Shift_1_Paradigm_Shift_Realism_and_Liberalism_in_the_Post-Cold_War_Global_Arena)
12. Michael G. Kort, The Columbia Guide to The Cold War (Columbia University Press, 1998).
13. Walter LaFeber, America, Russia, and the Cold War, 1945-1996.
14. John L. Gaddis, The Long Peace.
15. John L. Gaddis, The United States and The End of The Cold War.
16. John L. Gaddis, We Know Now: Rethinking Cold War History.
17. John L. Gaddis, The Cold War: A New History.
18. David Rees, The Age of Containment: The Cold War
19. Akira Iriye, The Cold War in Asia: A Historical Introduction.
20. Ralph B. Levering, The Cold War: A Post-Cold War History
21. Robert J. McMahow and Thomas G. Paterson (eds.) The Origins of The Cold War (4th ed, 1999)
22. Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and The Last Man (李永熾譯，歷史終結與最後一人)
23. Paul C. Avey, "Confronting Soviet Power: U.S. Policy During the Early Cold War," International Security, Vol. 36 , No.4, Spring 2012, pp151-188.
24. John Mueller, “What Was the Cold War About？Evidence from its Ending”, Political Science Quarterly, V. 119, No. 4, 2004-05, pp609-631.
25. Brad Roberts ed. Order and Disorder After the Cold War.
26. Paul W. Schroeder, “The New World Order：A Historical Perspective”, The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 15, No. 1, pp139-149.
27. Nancy B Tucker, “China as a Factor in the Collapse of the Soviet Empire, “Political Science Quarterly, V. 110, No. 4 (Winter 1995-96), pp501-518.
28. The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Vol. 11, No. 2 (May 2009), pp161-224, Lox, Cosa, Civieco and Kramer
29. Douglas Lemke,” The Continuation of History: Power Transition Theory and the End of the Cold War”, Journal of Peace Research, Vol.34, No.1 (1997), pp23-36.
30. Richard N. Lebow & Thomes Risse-Kap.en, eds: International Relations Theory and the End of the Cold War.
31. Richard K. Herrmann & Richard N. Lebow, eds: Ending the Cold War: Interpretations, Causation, and the Study of International Relations.
32. Joshua R. Itzkowitz Shifrinson, “Deal or No Deal? The End of the Cold War and the U.S. Offer to Limit NATO Expansion”, International Security, Spring 2016, pp7-44.
33. Elliott Abrams, “The New Cold War”, National Review, March 3, 2022.
34. Joseph E. Stiglitz, “How the US Could Lose the New Cold War”, Project Syndicate, June 17, 2022.
35. Keikichi Takahashi, “China-US Competition Is Not a New Cold War”, The Diplomat, March 23, 2022.
36. Gideon Rachman, “Ukraine and the start of a second cold war”, Financial Times, June 6 2022.
37. Jacob Sweet, “Are We Entering a Second Cold War?”, Havard Magazine (https://www.harvardmagazine.com/2022/03/are-we-entering-a-second-cold-war)
38. Imtiaz Rafi Butt, “The second Cold War”, June 8, 2022. (https://dailytimes.com.pk/948184/the-second-cold-war/)
39. Syed Fraz Hussain Naqvi, “Are China and America Already in a Second Cold War?”, The National Interest, March 1, 2022.
40. Michael Hirsh, “We Are Now in a Global Cold War”, Foreign Policy, June 27, 2022.

IV. 國際政治的專題探討
第13-15週：古巴飛彈危機之成因與處理
           美蘇互動與後續影響之探討
           古巴飛彈危機的教訓 
美蘇關係：古巴危機

1. 郝晶瑾：「古巴危機中瀕臨核戰的最長一週」，歷史月刊，12期(民八十七年八月)，頁40-47。
2. 賽明成,「古巴飛彈危機：外交信息傅遞觀點」，問題與研究,民國一百年十二月, 頁31-56。
3. Allison, Graham T. Essence of Decision.
4. Allison, Graham, “The Cuban Missile Crisis at 50” , Lesson for U.S Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs, July/August 2012, pp11-16.
5. Radchenko, Sergey, “The Cuban Missile Crisis: Assessment of New and Old, Russian Sources,” International Relations, Sep., 2012, pp327-343.
6. Don Munton, “Hits and Myths: The Essence, the Puzzles and the Missile Crisis,” International Relations, Sept 2012, pp305-326.
7. Fursenko, Aleksandr and Timothy Naftali. “One Hell of a Gamble”. Khrushchev, Castro & Kennedy, 1958-1964, pp166-289.
8. Fursenko, Aleksandr and Timothy Naftali, Khrushchev’s Cold War：The Inside Story of and American Adversary (New York, Norton, 2006)，pp465-492.
9. Hilsman, Roger. To Move a Nation, pp159-229.
10. Khrushchev Remembers：The Last Testament (Translated by Strobe Talbott), pp509-514.
11. Khrushchev Remembers (Translated by Strobe Talbott), pp488-506.
12. Lawrence Chang and Peter Kornbluh, eds, The Cuban Missile Crisis 1962：A National Security Archive Reader (New York, New Press, 1992)
13. May, Ernest R. & Philip D. Zelikow. The Kennedy Tapes：Inside the Whitehouse During the Cuban Missile Crisis.
14. Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr. A Thousand Days, pp726-769.
15. Sorensen, Theodore C. Kennedy, pp752-818.
16. Kennedy, Robert F. Thirteen Days. A Memoir of the Cuban Missile Crisis.
17. Thompson, Robert Smith, The Missiles of October.
18. Sheldon M. Stern, Averting the Final Failure: John F. Kennedy and the Secret Cuban Missile Crisis Meetings.
19. Max Frankel, High Noon in the Cold War: Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Cuban Missile Crisis.
20. Raymond L. Garthoff, Reflections on the Cuban Missile Crisis.
21. Mark J. White, The Kennedys and Cuba: The Declassified Documentary History.
22. Lt Col JS Sodhi, “Why the Russia-Ukraine War 2022 has an Uncanny similarity with the Cuban Missile Crisis 1962”, IDR (Indian Defence Review), Issue Net Edition, 14 Mar, 2022.

V. 民主和平理論
第16-17週：民主和平理論之發展
民主和平的實際與評估

1. 蔡榮祥：〈因果機制和政治解釋：民主和平論和現實主義的論辯〉問題與研究，第59卷第4期，2020年12月，頁143-171。
2. 朱雪英，「民主和平論與美國推廣民主戰略」，台灣民主季刊，二卷一期(2005年3月)，頁123-158。
3. 張亞中，「開放和平論：追求永久和平的另一種選擇」，問題與研究，四十六卷二期(民國九十六年四至六月)，頁1-21。
4. 黃旻華，「『民主和平』研究的方法論評析」，問題與研究，四十卷一期，(九十一年一、二月)，頁87-107。
5. 熊文馳，“民主和平與戰爭狀態問題-再談「民主和平論」與現實主義之爭”，外交評論，(北京)，26卷2期(2009.4)，頁123-136。
6. Tim Murithi, “Order of Op.resion”, Foreign Affairs, May-June 2023, Vol. 102, Issue 3, pp24-30.
7. Stephen G. Brooks, William C. Wohlforth, “The Myth of Multipolarity”, Foreign Affairs, Foreign Affairs, May-June 2023, Vol. 102, Issue 3, pp76-91.
8. “The Global Security Initiative Concept Paper”, PRC Foreign Ministry, 2023. (https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjbxw/202302/t20230221_11028348.html)
9. Gordon Adams, “Democracy- Pushing Is Not Cutting-Edge Foreign Policy.” Foreign Policy, May 11, 2015.
10. Kevin Narizny, “Anglo-American Primacy and the Global Spread of Democracy: An International Genealogy.” World Politics, vol.64, No.2, April 2012, pp341-373.
11. Bruce Russett, Grasping the Democratic Peace：Principles for a Post-Cold War World (Princeton University Press, 1993).
12. Bruce Russett, “Peace in the Twenty-First Century?” Current History, Jan. 2010, pp11-16.
13. Christopher Walker, “Authoritarian regimes are changing how the world defines democracy,” Washington Post, June 15,2014.
14. (http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinion/chrispher_walker_authoritatianregimes_are 2014/6/15)
15. Michael E. Brown et.al(eds.), Theories of War and Peace (The MIT Press, 1999)137-245. 此三文首見：International Security, Vol. 19, No. 2 (Fall 1994), pp5-125.
16. Bruce Russett and John R. Oneal, Triangulating Peace (Norton, 2001), pp15-124.
17. James Lee Ray, “Does Democracy Cause Peace?”, Annual Review：Political Science, Vol. 1 (1998), pp27-46.
18. David P. Barash, Introduction to Peace Studies (Wadsworth, 1991). pp 463-492.
19. 倪世雄，前書. 頁580-590.
20. Kevin Narizny, “Anglo-American Primacy and the Global Spread of Democracy: An International Genealogy”, World Politics, Vol. 64, Issue 2, (April 2012), p.341-373.
21. Dan Reiter, “Is Democracy a Cause of Peace?” (https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.287), Published online: 25 January 2017.
22. Robert Skidelsky, “The False Promise of Democratic Peace”, May 9, 2022. (https://www.ips-journal.eu/topics/democracy-and-society/the-false-promise-of-democratic-peace-5915/)
23. Jonah Bennett, “The Rise and Fall of Liberal Democratic Peace Theory”, Palladium, Oct 15, 2018. (https://palladiummag.com/2018/10/15/the-rise-and-fall-of-liberal-democratic-peace-theory/)

VI. 當前世局的體察與人類的抉擇
18週：綜合討論
冷戰終結後，美國成了唯一的超強。反恐戰爭尤其顯現出美國軍事力量與政治影響力之優勢與限制。新冠肺炎衝國內及國際政治，國際社會何去何從？也是一個值得探究的問題。 

1. Graham Allison, “Remembering Memorial Day: We Must Avoid World War III.” The National Interest, May 24, 2024 (https://nationalinterest.org/feature/remembering-memorial-day-we-must-avoid-world-war-iii-211175)
2. 何毅亭，“國發展環境面臨深刻複雜變化”，人民日報，2021.1.14
3. Hugh Breakey, “Why The Gaza War is Tearing the West Apart”. Asia Times, May 28, 2024 
4. Adeline Von Drehle, “Starvation: From War Tactic to War Crime”. RealClear History, June 07, 2024 (https://www.realclearhistory.com/articles/2024/06/07/starvation_from_war_tactic_to_war_crime_1036503.html)
5. Chels Michta, “China-Russia Axis Heralds an Ominous Future”. Center for European Policy Analysis, May 15, 2024 (https://cepa.org/article/china-russia-axis-heralds-an-ominous-future/)
6. Charles R. Beitz. Marshall Cohen [et al.] ：International ethics, Princeton University Press; 1985) pp247-310
7. 張子陽，「911事件改變布希政府之中國政策：現實或迷思？」全球政治評論，第10期(民九十四年四月)，頁91-116。
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