教學大綱 Syllabus

每周課程進度與作業要求 Course Schedule & Requirements

教學週次Course Week	彈性補充教學週次Flexible Supplemental Instruction Week	彈性補充教學類別Flexible Supplemental Instruction Type
18週18 weeks	無彈性補充教學週No flexible supplemental instruction week

 

Week 1 (2/21) 課程介紹與分組

 

Week 2 (2/28): 放假

 

Week 3 (3/6) 什麼是國際關係理論？

1. Stephen Van Evera, 1997. Guide to Methods for Students of Political Science, Ithaca: Cornell. Ch. 1.
2. K. J. Holsti, 1989, “Mirror, Mirror on the Wall, Which Are the Fairest Theories of All?” International Studies Quarterly 33(3): 255–61.
3. Stephen M. Walt, 1998. “International Relations: One World, Many Theories,” Foreign Policy, 110: 29–46.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. John Lewis Gaddis, 1992/93. “International Relations Theory and the End of the Cold War,” International Security 17: 5-58.
2. David A. Lake, 2013. “Theory is Dead, Long Live Theory: The End of the Great Debates and the Rise of Eclecticism in International Relations,”  European Journal of International Relations 19(3): 567-587.
3. Kenneth Cukier and Viktor Mayer-Schoenberger, 2013. “The Rise of Big Data: How It’s Changing the Way We Think about the World,” Foreign Affairs 92(3): 28-40.

 

Week 4 (3/13) 現實主義

1. William Wohlforth, 2008. “Realism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations, edited by Reus-Smit, Christian, and Duncan Snidal. Oxford University Press.
2. Jack Donnelly, 2008. “The Ethics of Realism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.
3. Jeffrey W. Legro and Andrew Moravcsik, 1999. “Is Anybody Still a Realist?”  International Security 24(2): 5-55.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Kenneth N. Waltz, 2000. “Structural Realism after the Cold War,” International Security 25(1): 5-41.
2. 鄭端耀，2003，「國際關係攻勢與守勢現實主義理論爭辯之評析」，問題與研究，42(2): 1-21.
3. 鄭端耀，2005，「國際關係新古典現實主義理論」，問題與研究，44(1): 115-140.
4. 唐欣偉、張廖年仲，2023，「現實主義」，包宗和、張登及主編，國際關係理論入門，台北：五南（第3版）。

 

Week 5 (3/20) 自由主義

1. Andrew Moravcsik, 2008. “The New Liberalism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.
2. Arthur A. Stein, 2008. “Neoliberal Institutionalism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.
3. John J. Mearsheimer, 1994. “The False Promise of International Institutions,” International Security 19(3): 5-49.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Robert O. Keohane and Lisa L. Martin, 1995. “The Promise of Institutionalist Theory,” International Security 20(1): 39-51.
2. 鄭端耀，1997，「國際關係『新自由制度主義』理論之評析」，問題與研究，36(12): 1-22.
3. 盧業中，2023，「自由主義與新自由主義」，包宗和、張登及主編，國際關係理論入門（台北：五南，第3版）。

 

Week 6 (3/27) 建構主義

1. Ian Hurd, 2008. “Constructivism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.
2. Richard Price 2008. “The Ethics of Constructivism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.
1. Jervis, Robert. 1998. “Realism in the Study of World Politics.” International Organization 52(4): 971-991.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Ted Hoft, 1998. “The Promise of Constructivism in International Relations Theory.” International Security 23(1): 171-200.
2. Dale C. Copeland, 2000. “The Constructivist Challenge to Structural Realism: A Review Essay.” International Security 25(2): 187-212.
3. 莫大華，2023，「建構主義」，包宗和、張登及主編，國際關係理論入門（台北：五南，第3版）。

 

Week 7 (4/3) 停課

 

Week 8 (4/10) 批判性國際關係理論

1. Tim Dunne, 2008. “English School,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.
2. Benno Teschke, 2008. “Marxism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.
3. Sandra Whitworth, 2008. “Feminism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. 張登及，2023，「國別學派與非西方國際關係理論」，包宗和、張登及主編，國際關係理論入門（台北：五南，第3版）。
2. 曾怡仁，2023，「馬克思主義國際關係理論」，包宗和、張登及主編，國際關係理論入門（台北：五南，第3版）。
1. 周嘉辰，2023，「女性主義與後實證主義」，包宗和、張登及主編，國際關係理論入門（台北：五南，第3版）。

 

Week 9 (4/17) 期中考週（安排演講）

 

Week 10 (4/24) 國際關係理論與中國外交

1. Aaron L. Friedberg, 2005. “The Future of U.S.-China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable?” International Security 30(2): 7-45.
2. Kang, David C. 2003. “Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New Analytical Frameworks,” International Security 27(4): 57-85
3. Johnston, Alastair Iain. 2012. “What (If Anything) Does East Asia Tell Us About International Relations Theory?” Annual Review of Political Science 15 (1): 53-78.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Yuan-kang Wang, 2013. “Explaining the Tribute System: Power, Confucianism, and War in Medieval East Asia,” Journal of East Asian Studies 13(2): 207-232.
2. Amitav Acharya and Barry Buzan, 2017. “Why is there no Non-Western International Relations Theory? Ten Years On,” International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 17(3): 341-370.
3. Chih-yu Shih et al., 2019. China and the International Theory: The Balance of Relationships, Oxon & New York: Routledge. Introduction & Ch. 1.

 

Week 11 (5/1) 權力轉移理論與中美關係

1. Avery Goldstein, 2007. “Power Transitions, Institutions, and China’s Rise in East Asia: Theoretical Expectations and Evidence,” Journal of Strategic Studies 30(4-5): 639-682.
1. Friedman, Edward, 2011. “Power Transition Theory: A Challenge to the Peaceful Rise of World Power China,” In China’s Rise: Threat or Opportunity?, edited by Herbert S. Yee. London: Routledge.
3. Mastro, Oriana Skylar, 2019. “In the Shadow of the Thucydides Trap: International Relations Theory and the Prospects for Peace in U.S.-China Relations,” Journal of Chinese Political Science 24(1): 25-45.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Sample, Susan G. 2018. “Power, Wealth, and Satisfaction: When Do Power Transitions Lead to Conflict?” Journal of Conflict Resolution 62(9): 1905-1931.
2. Michael Beckley, 2023. “The Peril of Peaking Powers: Economic Slowdowns and Implications for China’s Next Decade,” International Security 48(1): 7-46.
3. 吳玉山、傅澤民，2023。「霸權與挑戰：國際關係理論的詮釋。」 政治學的現況與展望，吳重禮、吳文欽、張廖年仲主編，台北：五南。

 

Week 12 (5/8) 領土爭端與中國外交

1. John Vasquez and Marie T. Henehan, 2001. “Territorial Disputes and the Probability of War, 1816-1992,” Journal of Peace Research 38 (2):123-138.
2. Scott F. Abramson and David B. Carter, 2021. “Systemic Instability and the Emergence of Border Disputes,” International Organization 75 (1):103-146.
3. M. Taylor. Fravel, 2010. “International Relations Theory and China’s Rise: Assessing China’s Potential for Territorial Expansion,” International Studies Review 12(4): 505-532.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Dominic D.P. Johnson and Monica Duffy Toft, 2014. “Grounds for War: The Evolution of Territorial Conflict,” International Security 38(3): 7-38.
2. Ketian Zhang, 2019. “Cautious Bully: Reputation, Resolve, and Beijing’s Use of Coercion in the South China Sea,” International Security 44(1): 117-159.
3. 方天賜，2017。「中國在中印洞朗對峙事件中之強制外交分析。」全球政治評論，(60): 1-7.
1. 陳秉逵，2020。「論未定疆界對持續領土爭端的衝突緩和作用：以2017中印洞朗對峙為例。」問題與研究，59(3): 1-44。

 

Week 13 (5/15) 理性抉擇模式與中國外交

1. James D. Fearon, 1995. “Rationalist Explanations for War,” International Organization 49(3): 379-414.
2. Jessica L. Weeks, 2008. “Autocratic Audience Costs: Regime Type and Signaling Resolve,” International Organization 62(1): 35-64.
3. Oriana Skylar Mastro, 2011. “Signaling and Military Provocation in Chinese National Security Strategy: A Closer Look at the Impeccable Incident,” Journal of Strategic Studies 34(2): 219-244.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Jack Snyder and Erica D. Borghard, 2011. “The Cost of Empty Threats: A Penny, Not a Pound,” American Political Science Review 105(3): 437-456.
2. Frances Yaping Wang, 2021. “Barking Without Biting: Understanding Chinese Media Campaigns During Foreign Policy Disputes,” Security Studies 30(4): 517-549.
3. 黃旻華，2001，「『民主和平』研究的方法論：『聽眾成本』概念之辨析」，  問題與研究，40(1): 87-107。

 

Week 14 (5/22) 經濟制裁與中國外交

1. David A. Baldwin, 1971. “The Power of Positive Sanctions,” World Politics 24 (1): 19-38.
2. Henry Farrell and Abraham L. Newman, 2019. “Weaponized Interdependence: How Global Economic Networks Shape State Coercion,” International Security 44(1): 42-79.
3. Darren J. Lim and Victor A. Ferguson, 2022. “Informal Economic Sanctions: The Political Economy of Chinese Coercion during the THAAD Dispute,” Review of International Political Economy 29(5): 1525-1548.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Rena Sung and Jonghyuk Park, 2022. “How Do Economic Sanctions Affect Public Opinion and Consumer Behavior in Target States? Evidence from China’s Economic Sanctions on South Korea,” International Studies Quarterly 66(3): sqac023.
2. 林賢參、郭永興，2017，「中國的非正式經濟制裁與對象國的反擊策略：中日稀土衝突為例的分析」，中國大陸研究，60(4): 53-81

 

Week 15 (5/29) 民主和平與中國外交

1. Bruce M. Russett, 2009. “Democracy, War and Expansion through Historical Lenses,” European Journal of International Relations 15(1): 9-36.
2. Jennifer Lind, 2011. “Democratization and Stability in East Asia,”  International Studies Quarterly 55(2): 409-436.
3. Mark S. Bell and Kai Quek, 2018. “Authoritarian Public Opinion and the Democratic Peace,” International Organization 72(1): 227-242.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Edward D. Mansfield and Jack Snyder, 1995. “Democratization and the Danger of War,” International Security 20(1): 5-38.
2. Stephan Haggard, 2004. “The Balance of Power, Globalization, and Democracy: International Relations Theory in Northeast Asia,” Journal of East Asian Studies 4(1): 1-38.
3. 蔡榮祥，2020，「因果機制和政治解釋：民主和平論和現實主義的論辯」， 問題與研究，59(4): 143-180。

 

Week 16 (6/5) 民意與中國外交

1. Matthew A Baum and Philip B. K. Potter, 2008. “The Relationships Between Mass Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy: Toward a Theoretical Synthesis,” Annual Review of Political Science 11(1): 39-65.
2. Josheph Fewsmith and Stanley Rosen, 2001. “The Domestic Context of Chinese Foreign Policy: Does “Public Opinion” Matter?” in The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in the Era of Reform, 1978-2000, edited by David M. Lampton. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press.
3. Jessica Chen Weiss, 2013. “Authoritarian Signaling, Mass Audiences, and Nationalist Protest in China,” International Organization 67(1): 1-35.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. James Reilly, 2014. “A Wave to Worry About? Public Opinion, Foreign Policy and China’s Anti-Japan Protests,” Journal of Contemporary China 23(86): 197-215.
2. Alastair Iain Johnston, 2017. “Is Chinese Nationalism Rising? Evidence from Beijing,” International Security 41(3): 7-43.
3. Xiaojun Li and Dingding Chen, 2021. “Public Opinion, International Reputation, and Audience Costs in an Authoritarian Regime,” Conflict Management and Peace Science 38(5): 543-560.

 

Week 17 (6/12) 意識形態與中國外交

1. Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane, 1994. “Ideas and Foreign Policy: An Analytical Framework,” in Thomas W. Robinson and David Shambaugh, eds. Chinese Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
2. Susan G. Sample, 2018. “Power, Wealth, and Satisfaction: When Do Power Transitions Lead to Conflict?” Journal of Conflict Resolution 62(9): 1905-1931.
1. Eun A Jo and Jessica Chen Weiss, 2023. “Ideology and Chinese Foreign Policies,” in The Routledge Handbook of Ideology and International Relations, edited by Jonathan Leader Maynard and Mark L. Haas. New York: Routledge.
    

延伸閱讀：

1. Steven I. Levine, “Perceptions and Ideology in Chinese Foreign Policy,” in Chinese Foreign. Policy: Theory and Practice, eds. Thomas W. Robinson, David L. Shambaugh
2. Jennifer Pan and Yiqing Xu, 2018. “China’s Ideological Spectrum,” Journal of Politics 80(1): 254-273.
3. Xuetong Yan, 2018. “Chinese Values vs. Liberalism: What Ideology Will Shape the International Normative Order?” The Chinese Journal of International Politics 11(1): 1-22.

 

Week 18 (6/19) 期末報告題綱討論

 

 

Week 1 (2/21) 課程介紹與分組

 

Week 2 (2/28): 放假

 

Week 3 (3/6) 什麼是國際關係理論？

1. Stephen Van Evera, 1997. Guide to Methods for Students of Political Science, Ithaca: Cornell. Ch. 1.
2. K. J. Holsti, 1989, “Mirror, Mirror on the Wall, Which Are the Fairest Theories of All?” International Studies Quarterly 33(3): 255–61.
3. Stephen M. Walt, 1998. “International Relations: One World, Many Theories,” Foreign Policy, 110: 29–46.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. John Lewis Gaddis, 1992/93. “International Relations Theory and the End of the Cold War,” International Security 17: 5-58.
2. David A. Lake, 2013. “Theory is Dead, Long Live Theory: The End of the Great Debates and the Rise of Eclecticism in International Relations,”  European Journal of International Relations 19(3): 567-587.
3. Kenneth Cukier and Viktor Mayer-Schoenberger, 2013. “The Rise of Big Data: How It’s Changing the Way We Think about the World,” Foreign Affairs 92(3): 28-40.

 

Week 4 (3/13) 現實主義

1. William Wohlforth, 2008. “Realism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations, edited by Reus-Smit, Christian, and Duncan Snidal. Oxford University Press.
2. Jack Donnelly, 2008. “The Ethics of Realism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.
3. Jeffrey W. Legro and Andrew Moravcsik, 1999. “Is Anybody Still a Realist?”  International Security 24(2): 5-55.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Kenneth N. Waltz, 2000. “Structural Realism after the Cold War,” International Security 25(1): 5-41.
2. 鄭端耀，2003，「國際關係攻勢與守勢現實主義理論爭辯之評析」，問題與研究，42(2): 1-21.
3. 鄭端耀，2005，「國際關係新古典現實主義理論」，問題與研究，44(1): 115-140.
4. 唐欣偉、張廖年仲，2023，「現實主義」，包宗和、張登及主編，國際關係理論入門，台北：五南（第3版）。

 

Week 5 (3/20) 自由主義

1. Andrew Moravcsik, 2008. “The New Liberalism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.
2. Arthur A. Stein, 2008. “Neoliberal Institutionalism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.
3. John J. Mearsheimer, 1994. “The False Promise of International Institutions,” International Security 19(3): 5-49.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Robert O. Keohane and Lisa L. Martin, 1995. “The Promise of Institutionalist Theory,” International Security 20(1): 39-51.
2. 鄭端耀，1997，「國際關係『新自由制度主義』理論之評析」，問題與研究，36(12): 1-22.
3. 盧業中，2023，「自由主義與新自由主義」，包宗和、張登及主編，國際關係理論入門（台北：五南，第3版）。

 

Week 6 (3/27) 建構主義

1. Ian Hurd, 2008. “Constructivism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.
2. Richard Price 2008. “The Ethics of Constructivism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.
1. Jervis, Robert. 1998. “Realism in the Study of World Politics.” International Organization 52(4): 971-991.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Ted Hoft, 1998. “The Promise of Constructivism in International Relations Theory.” International Security 23(1): 171-200.
2. Dale C. Copeland, 2000. “The Constructivist Challenge to Structural Realism: A Review Essay.” International Security 25(2): 187-212.
3. 莫大華，2023，「建構主義」，包宗和、張登及主編，國際關係理論入門（台北：五南，第3版）。

 

Week 7 (4/3) 停課

 

Week 8 (4/10) 批判性國際關係理論

1. Tim Dunne, 2008. “English School,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.
2. Benno Teschke, 2008. “Marxism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.
3. Sandra Whitworth, 2008. “Feminism,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. 張登及，2023，「國別學派與非西方國際關係理論」，包宗和、張登及主編，國際關係理論入門（台北：五南，第3版）。
2. 曾怡仁，2023，「馬克思主義國際關係理論」，包宗和、張登及主編，國際關係理論入門（台北：五南，第3版）。
1. 周嘉辰，2023，「女性主義與後實證主義」，包宗和、張登及主編，國際關係理論入門（台北：五南，第3版）。

 

Week 9 (4/17) 期中考週（安排演講）

 

Week 10 (4/24) 國際關係理論與中國外交

1. Aaron L. Friedberg, 2005. “The Future of U.S.-China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable?” International Security 30(2): 7-45.
2. Kang, David C. 2003. “Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New Analytical Frameworks,” International Security 27(4): 57-85
3. Johnston, Alastair Iain. 2012. “What (If Anything) Does East Asia Tell Us About International Relations Theory?” Annual Review of Political Science 15 (1): 53-78.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Yuan-kang Wang, 2013. “Explaining the Tribute System: Power, Confucianism, and War in Medieval East Asia,” Journal of East Asian Studies 13(2): 207-232.
2. Amitav Acharya and Barry Buzan, 2017. “Why is there no Non-Western International Relations Theory? Ten Years On,” International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 17(3): 341-370.
3. Chih-yu Shih et al., 2019. China and the International Theory: The Balance of Relationships, Oxon & New York: Routledge. Introduction & Ch. 1.

 

Week 11 (5/1) 權力轉移理論與中美關係

1. Avery Goldstein, 2007. “Power Transitions, Institutions, and China’s Rise in East Asia: Theoretical Expectations and Evidence,” Journal of Strategic Studies 30(4-5): 639-682.
1. Friedman, Edward, 2011. “Power Transition Theory: A Challenge to the Peaceful Rise of World Power China,” In China’s Rise: Threat or Opportunity?, edited by Herbert S. Yee. London: Routledge.
3. Mastro, Oriana Skylar, 2019. “In the Shadow of the Thucydides Trap: International Relations Theory and the Prospects for Peace in U.S.-China Relations,” Journal of Chinese Political Science 24(1): 25-45.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Sample, Susan G. 2018. “Power, Wealth, and Satisfaction: When Do Power Transitions Lead to Conflict?” Journal of Conflict Resolution 62(9): 1905-1931.
2. Michael Beckley, 2023. “The Peril of Peaking Powers: Economic Slowdowns and Implications for China’s Next Decade,” International Security 48(1): 7-46.
3. 吳玉山、傅澤民，2023。「霸權與挑戰：國際關係理論的詮釋。」 政治學的現況與展望，吳重禮、吳文欽、張廖年仲主編，台北：五南。

 

Week 12 (5/8) 領土爭端與中國外交

1. John Vasquez and Marie T. Henehan, 2001. “Territorial Disputes and the Probability of War, 1816-1992,” Journal of Peace Research 38 (2):123-138.
2. Scott F. Abramson and David B. Carter, 2021. “Systemic Instability and the Emergence of Border Disputes,” International Organization 75 (1):103-146.
3. M. Taylor. Fravel, 2010. “International Relations Theory and China’s Rise: Assessing China’s Potential for Territorial Expansion,” International Studies Review 12(4): 505-532.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Dominic D.P. Johnson and Monica Duffy Toft, 2014. “Grounds for War: The Evolution of Territorial Conflict,” International Security 38(3): 7-38.
2. Ketian Zhang, 2019. “Cautious Bully: Reputation, Resolve, and Beijing’s Use of Coercion in the South China Sea,” International Security 44(1): 117-159.
3. 方天賜，2017。「中國在中印洞朗對峙事件中之強制外交分析。」全球政治評論，(60): 1-7.
1. 陳秉逵，2020。「論未定疆界對持續領土爭端的衝突緩和作用：以2017中印洞朗對峙為例。」問題與研究，59(3): 1-44。

 

Week 13 (5/15) 理性抉擇模式與中國外交

1. James D. Fearon, 1995. “Rationalist Explanations for War,” International Organization 49(3): 379-414.
2. Jessica L. Weeks, 2008. “Autocratic Audience Costs: Regime Type and Signaling Resolve,” International Organization 62(1): 35-64.
3. Oriana Skylar Mastro, 2011. “Signaling and Military Provocation in Chinese National Security Strategy: A Closer Look at the Impeccable Incident,” Journal of Strategic Studies 34(2): 219-244.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Jack Snyder and Erica D. Borghard, 2011. “The Cost of Empty Threats: A Penny, Not a Pound,” American Political Science Review 105(3): 437-456.
2. Frances Yaping Wang, 2021. “Barking Without Biting: Understanding Chinese Media Campaigns During Foreign Policy Disputes,” Security Studies 30(4): 517-549.
3. 黃旻華，2001，「『民主和平』研究的方法論：『聽眾成本』概念之辨析」，  問題與研究，40(1): 87-107。

 

Week 14 (5/22) 經濟制裁與中國外交

1. David A. Baldwin, 1971. “The Power of Positive Sanctions,” World Politics 24 (1): 19-38.
2. Henry Farrell and Abraham L. Newman, 2019. “Weaponized Interdependence: How Global Economic Networks Shape State Coercion,” International Security 44(1): 42-79.
3. Darren J. Lim and Victor A. Ferguson, 2022. “Informal Economic Sanctions: The Political Economy of Chinese Coercion during the THAAD Dispute,” Review of International Political Economy 29(5): 1525-1548.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Rena Sung and Jonghyuk Park, 2022. “How Do Economic Sanctions Affect Public Opinion and Consumer Behavior in Target States? Evidence from China’s Economic Sanctions on South Korea,” International Studies Quarterly 66(3): sqac023.
2. 林賢參、郭永興，2017，「中國的非正式經濟制裁與對象國的反擊策略：中日稀土衝突為例的分析」，中國大陸研究，60(4): 53-81

 

Week 15 (5/29) 民主和平與中國外交

1. Bruce M. Russett, 2009. “Democracy, War and Expansion through Historical Lenses,” European Journal of International Relations 15(1): 9-36.
2. Jennifer Lind, 2011. “Democratization and Stability in East Asia,”  International Studies Quarterly 55(2): 409-436.
3. Mark S. Bell and Kai Quek, 2018. “Authoritarian Public Opinion and the Democratic Peace,” International Organization 72(1): 227-242.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. Edward D. Mansfield and Jack Snyder, 1995. “Democratization and the Danger of War,” International Security 20(1): 5-38.
2. Stephan Haggard, 2004. “The Balance of Power, Globalization, and Democracy: International Relations Theory in Northeast Asia,” Journal of East Asian Studies 4(1): 1-38.
3. 蔡榮祥，2020，「因果機制和政治解釋：民主和平論和現實主義的論辯」， 問題與研究，59(4): 143-180。

 

Week 16 (6/5) 民意與中國外交

1. Matthew A Baum and Philip B. K. Potter, 2008. “The Relationships Between Mass Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy: Toward a Theoretical Synthesis,” Annual Review of Political Science 11(1): 39-65.
2. Josheph Fewsmith and Stanley Rosen, 2001. “The Domestic Context of Chinese Foreign Policy: Does “Public Opinion” Matter?” in The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in the Era of Reform, 1978-2000, edited by David M. Lampton. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press.
3. Jessica Chen Weiss, 2013. “Authoritarian Signaling, Mass Audiences, and Nationalist Protest in China,” International Organization 67(1): 1-35.

 

延伸閱讀：

1. James Reilly, 2014. “A Wave to Worry About? Public Opinion, Foreign Policy and China’s Anti-Japan Protests,” Journal of Contemporary China 23(86): 197-215.
2. Alastair Iain Johnston, 2017. “Is Chinese Nationalism Rising? Evidence from Beijing,” International Security 41(3): 7-43.
3. Xiaojun Li and Dingding Chen, 2021. “Public Opinion, International Reputation, and Audience Costs in an Authoritarian Regime,” Conflict Management and Peace Science 38(5): 543-560.

 

Week 17 (6/12) 意識形態與中國外交

1. Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane, 1994. “Ideas and Foreign Policy: An Analytical Framework,” in Thomas W. Robinson and David Shambaugh, eds. Chinese Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
2. Susan G. Sample, 2018. “Power, Wealth, and Satisfaction: When Do Power Transitions Lead to Conflict?” Journal of Conflict Resolution 62(9): 1905-1931.
1. Eun A Jo and Jessica Chen Weiss, 2023. “Ideology and Chinese Foreign Policies,” in The Routledge Handbook of Ideology and International Relations, edited by Jonathan Leader Maynard and Mark L. Haas. New York: Routledge.
    

延伸閱讀：

1. Steven I. Levine, “Perceptions and Ideology in Chinese Foreign Policy,” in Chinese Foreign. Policy: Theory and Practice, eds. Thomas W. Robinson, David L. Shambaugh
2. Jennifer Pan and Yiqing Xu, 2018. “China’s Ideological Spectrum,” Journal of Politics 80(1): 254-273.
3. Xuetong Yan, 2018. “Chinese Values vs. Liberalism: What Ideology Will Shape the International Normative Order?” The Chinese Journal of International Politics 11(1): 1-22.

 

Week 18 (6/19) 期末報告題綱討論